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1.Numereous
studies have shown that low P/E stocks tend to outperform the market than
high P/E stocks.
- James P. O'Shaughnessy
2. An
interesting debate regarding value investing evolved from T.J. Peters and
R.H. Waterman's "In Serach of Excellence: Lessons from America's
Best-Run Corporations" (1982). They formed a list of "Excellent
" companies based on a number of factors including asset growth, book
value growth, and return on assets. Following up on their work, Michelle
Clayman studied the performance of the "excellent" firms
and another group she termed "unexcellent" (by going "in
search of disaster") and found that the characteristics of the
excellent companies quickly reverted to the mean in the years following
their excellent performance. The unexcellent companies also reverted to
the mean and showed substantial improvement. The stocks of the unexcellent
firms significantly outperformed the excellent companies over the years
that followed.
3. Numerous
studies have concluded that high yielding stocks tend to outperform.
4. Price changes tend to persist after initial announcements. Stocks with positive surprises tend to drift upward, those with negative surprises tend to drift downward.
Robert Haugen in his book The
New Finance: The Case Against Efficient Markets
5. There
is evidence, and try as they might, the accountants and financial people
can't make it go away, that when you get and earnings surprise, somehow or
the other the market doesn't seem to absorb it all right away.
- William F. Sharpe in Investment
Gurus by Peter J. Tanous
6. The
central proposition of charting is absolutely false, and investors who
follow its precepts will accomplish nothing but increasing substantially
the brokerage charges they pay. There has been a remarkable uniformity in
the conclusions of studies done on all forms of technical analysis. Not
one has consistently outperformed the placebo of a buy-and-hold strategy.
- Burton Malkiel and Mark
Hulbert.
7. The only thing we know for
certain about technical analysis is that it's possible to make a living
publishing a newsletter on the subject.
Martin S. Fridson, Investment
Illusions
8. An
example from my research is "the law of small numbers". An
example you may be familiar with is the gambler's fallacy with coin flips.
So you take any coin in your pocket which is fair, a 50-50 coin: people
think if it comes up three heads in row, it's more likely to come up tails
the next time. Their notion is that even for a small number of coin flips,
you expect to see approximately 50-50 heads and tails. Well, in fact, if
it comes up three heads in a row, the chances that it comes up heads the
next time is 50%. In experiment after experiment after experiment, some
people get this right, and many people get this wrong. There's a
systematic bias that people want to see the overall average show up even
in small samples.
- Matthew Rabin
9. Economists
have assumed a time-consistent discounting, that to whatever we degree we
care more about today then tomorrow, we care that same amount more about 7
days from now than about 8 days from now. Every single study done by
psychologists, studying humans, rats, pigeons, always shows this other
kind of discounting, this hyperbolic discounting which captures
time-inconsistent preferences, the fact that we care much more about today
than tomorrow, that that's a bigger difference to us than how much more we
care about 7 days from now vs. 8 days from now.
- Matthew Rabin.
10. A
well-established phenomenon called the equity premium puzzle is why people
invest so little in stocks relative to bonds. Current models don't explain
why people are this risk-averse, why they invest in bonds that are
"safer" but guaranteed not to earn them much interest. People
are too risk-averse in their long-run investments by any reasonable
measure of what their goals are. Benartzi and Thaler exlplain this as
people not being able to stand the sensation of picking up the newspaper
and having lost money from one year to the next. They found that because
people are looking at their investments every six months instead of over
the 30 year horizon, which is the only horizon they care about in terms of
using this money, the sensation of having lost $10,000 is an ugly one that
most people don't like and so they try to avoid that by putting less money
into the risky asset and more in to the safe asset.
- Matthew Rabin
11. Workers
save more when they are automatically enrolled in savings programs than
when they have to choose to participate by, say, returning a form.
Standard theory holds that workers would make the most rational decision
regardless.
12. Thaler
has found that the number of options on a 401 (k) menu can affect the
employee's selections. Those with a choice of a stock fund and bond fund
tend to invest half in each. Those with a choice of three stock funds and
one bond fund are likely to sprinkle an equal amount of their savings in
each, and thus put 75 percent of the total in stocks. Such behavior
illustrates "framing" - decisions being affected by how choices
are positioned.
13. Most
insisted that they would not accept a 1-in-1,000 mortality risk for
anything less than a million dollars. Paradoxically, the same friends said
they would not be willing to forego any income to eliminate the risks that
their jobs already entailed. Rather than rationally pricing mortality,
people had a cognitive disconnect, they put a premium on new risks and
casually discounted familiar ones.
14. People
are more concerned with changes in wealth than with their absolute level -
a violation of standard theory that explained many of Thaler's anomalies.
Moreover, most people are "loss averse", meaning they experience
more pain from losses than pleasure from gains. This explains why
investors hate to sell losers.
15. Thaler's
most original contribution was "mental accounting" - an
extension of Kahneman and Tversky's "framing" principle.
"Framing" says the positioning of choices prejudices the
outcome. "Mental accounting" says people draw their own frames,
and that where they place the boundaries subtly affects the decisions. For
instance, a poker player who accounts for each day separately may become
bolder at the end of a winning night because he feels he is playing with
"house money". If he accounted for each hand separately, he
would play the first and last hands the same.
16. Most
people sort their money into accounts like "current income" and
"savings" and justify different expenditures from each. They
will gladly blow their winnings from the office football pool, a
"frivolous" account, even while scrupulously salting away from
every penny of their salaries.
17. People
assign much higher probability to the truth of their opinions that is
warranted. It's one of the reasons people trade so much in the market,
generally with bad results. Another example is people exaggerate their
confidence in their plans - something we call the planning fallacy....The
existence of the plan tends to induce overconfidence.
18. The
error that Bernoulli made, a psychological error - a big one, actually -
was he decided to look at the outcome of the gamble and the utility of the
outcome. But the utility of what? He describes it as the utility of the
state of wealth that would ensue, depending on what happened. Now that
turns out not to be the way that people think. People don't think in terms
of wealth....When you are thinking about a financial decision, you are
thinking in terms of gains and losses. It's a very basic departure.
19. It
turns out it affects their decision-making in very major ways. If you
think in terms of major losses, because losses loom much larger than gains
- that's a very well established finding - you tend to be very
risk-averse. When you think in terms of wealth, you tend to be much less
risk-averse. I will give you an example: Suppose someone offered you a
gamble on the toss of a coin. If you guess right, you win $15,000; if you
guess wrong, you lose $10,000. Practically no one wants it. Then I ask
people to think of their wealth, and now think of two states of the world.
In one you own [your current assets] minus $10,000 and in the other you
own [your current assets] plus $15,000. Which state of the world do you
like better? Everybody likes the second one. So when you think in terms of
wealth - the final state - you tend to be much closer to risk-neutral than
when you think of gains and losses. That's the fundamental way prospect
theory departs from utility theory.
20. There is evidence, and try as
they might, the accountants and financial people can't make it go away,
that when you get an earnings surprise, somehow or the other the market
doesn't seem to absorb it all right away.
21. The
traders' aphorism "buy on the rumor and sell on the news" (BRSN)
describes a strategy for exploiting a frequently observed financial market
price pattern. This pattern (BRSN) is characterized by security prices
rising prior to and falling subsequently to positively anticipated events.
Security prices are, paradoxically, often observed to decline following an
event outcome that is equal-to or better-than "expectations".
22. "There
is now substantial evidence that financial markets do not react to
information exactly as suggested by the efficient market hypothesis.
Consequently, a numbers of papers have asked the question, " how can
this be explained?" Initially, one of the main explanations was that
exogenous institutional imperfections, such as transaction costs, are the
cause. This type of explanation is now being replaced by behavioural ones,
which focus on exactly how agents process information. The idea in this
paper is that agents respond not only to their own private information,
but also to the information which they infer other agents have. The
inference is made on the basis if the actions which the other agents are
seen to take."
Skerratt (2000)
23. "Barn
door closing, in the horse protection sense, refers to undertaking
behavior today that would have been profitable yesterday. Investors seek
to reproduce actual or imagined past investment successes by investing
today in the same way."[...]". In the first row of the table, we
observe an economically large and statistically significant positive
coefficient, [beta]5 in the base regression, on equity returns,
which is consistent with barn door closing."
24. "Prospect
theory and rank-dependent utility are nowadays the most prominent
descriptive models of decision making under risk. Both theories rely on
the notion that probabilities are transformed into decision weights. This
paper proposes two particular hypotheses of decision weights which
underweight all probabilities less than unity. Interestingly, these two
hypotheses lead to special cases of a class of models which have been
developed to accommodate the certainty effect and boundary effects but
have not been related to transformed probabilities before."
25. "...the return premia on
small capitalization and high book-to-market stocks does not arise because
of the comovements of these stocks with pervasive factors. It is the
characteristics rather than the covariance structure of returns that
appear to explain the cross-sectional variation in stock returns."
Daniel and Titman (1997)
26. "The role of news
events in affecting the market seems often to be delayed, and to have the
effect of setting in motion a sequence of public attentions. These
attentions may be to images or stories, or to facts that may already have
been well known. The facts may previously have been ignored or judged
inconsequential, but they can attain newfound prominence in the wake of
breaking news. These sequences of attention may be called cascades,
as one focus of attention leads to attention to another, and then
another."
SHILLER, Robert J., Irrational
Exuberance, 2000.
27. "...speculative bubble:
a situation in which temporarily high prices are sustained largely by
investors' enthusiasm rather than by consistent estimation of real
value."
SHILLER, Robert J., Irrational
Exuberance, 2000.
28. [Shleifer]p112
"The underreaction evidence shows that security prices underreact to
news such as earnings announcements. If the news is good, prices keep
trending up after the initial positive reaction; if the news is bad,
prices keep trending down after the initial negative reaction."
29. ZECKHAUSER, Richard,
Jayendu PATEL and Darryll HENDRICKS, Nonrational
Actors and Financial Market Behavior, 1991. [about 32]
"Barn door closing, in the horse protection sense, refers to
undertaking behavior today that would have been profitable yesterday.
Investors seek to reproduce actual or imagined past investment successes
by investing today in the same way." [...]"In the first row of
the table, we observe an economically large and statistically significant
positive coefficient, [beta]5 in the base regression, on equity
returns, which is consistent with barn door closing."
30. Shiller](herd
behaviour)"The behavior, although individually rational, produces
group behavior that is, in a well-defined sense, irrational. This herdlike
behavior is said to arise from an /information cascade/."
31. [KaTv00]
"The rational theory of choice assumes description invariance:
equivalent formulations of a choice problem should give rise to the same
preference order (Arrow, 1982). Contrary to this assumption, there is much
evidence that variations in the framing of options (e.g., in terms of
gains or losses) yield systematically different preferences (Tversky and
Kahneman, 1986)."
32. Almost
all market orders are matched with limit orders. Hence, the record of
transaction prices follows closely the record of limit orders. But some 84
per cent of limit orders on the books of specialists are typically at even
eighths. Therefore, we might naively expect a certain amount of clustering
at round numbers, which are, of course, numbers ending in an even number
of eighths.
- VICTOR NIEDERHOFFER
33. "Cognitive
dissonance is the mental conflict that people experience when they are
presented with evidence that their beliefs or assumptions may be
wrong."
MONTIER, James, Behavioural Finance:
Insights into Irrational Minds and Markets.
34. "This
is the tendency to cling tenaciously to a view or a forecast. Once a
position has been stated most people find it very hard to move away from
that view. When movement does occur it is only very slow (this creates
under-reaction to events)
- MONTIER, James, Behavioural
Finance: Insights into Irrational Minds and Markets.
35. Optimism
(and wishful thinking). We all tend to be optimistic about the future. On
the first day of my MBA class on decision-making at the University of
Chicago, every single student expects to get an above-the -median grade,
yet half are inevitably disappointed. The optimism will induce me to
predict that economics will become more likely I want it to be.
Richard H. Thaler - From Homo
Economicus to Homo Sapiens.
36. "Shefrin and
Statman (1985) predicted that because people dislike incurring losses much
more than they enjoy making gains, and people are willing to gamble in the
domain of losses, investors quill hold onto stocks that have lost value
(relative to the reference point of their purchase) and will be eager to
sell stocks that have risen in value. They called this the disposition
effect."
MONTIER, James, Behavioural Finance: Insights into Irrational
Minds and Markets
37. "....applied Kahneman and
Tversky's notion of framing to the realization of losses. We called this
phenomenon the disposition effect, arguing that investors are predisposed
to holding losers too long and selling winners too early."
SHERIN, Hersh, Beyond Greed
and Fear : Understanding Behavioral Finance and the Psychology of
Investing.
38. The disposition effect is the
tendency to sell assets that have gained value ("winners") and
keep assets that have lost value ("losers"). Disposition effect
can be explained by the two features of prospect theory; the idea that
people value gains and losses relative to a reference point (the initial
price of shares), and the tendency to seek risk when faced with possible
losses, and avoid risk when a certain gain is possible.
39. Do investors pay attention to long-term fundamentals? We consider the case of demographic information. Large cohorts, such as baby boom, generate forecastable positive demand changes over time to the toys, bicycle, beer, life insurance, and nursing home sectors, to name a few. These demand changes are predictable once a specific cohort is born. In this paper, we use lagged consumption and demographic data to forecast future consumption demand growth induced by changes in age structure. We find that these demand forecasts predict profitability by industry. Moreover, forecasted demand growth 5 to 10 years into the future predicts one-year returns by industry. An additional one percentage point of annualized demand growth due to demographics induces a 4 to 6 percentage point increase of annual abnormal industry stock returns. The forecastability is stronger for concentrated industries and for the more recent time period. Forecasted consumption growth 0-5 years into the future instead does not predict stock returns. The results are consistent with short-sightedness with respect to long-run information.
STEFANO DELLA VIGNA AND JOSHUA POLLET in ATTENTION, DEMOGRAPHICS, AND THE STOCK
MARKET.
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